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Symposium --> Resources -->Fossedal/Beedham
Dialogue Between Gregory Fossedal and Brian Beedham
- Fossedal
- How do you see the state of direct democracy around the world? Has it been advancing?
- Beedham
- I think direct democracy has had a very good
period in the last 25 years, but no great development
from that in the last 5 or 6 years. By that I mean
that, it spread at the state level, in the United
States for instance. In the U.S., its use has been
strong, at least over the last 25 years, and probably
over the last 50 years. It's been somewhat more
active in Australia.
More important, perhaps, it has spread, to some
extent, in Europe in the last 15 to 20 years. I don't
think it's made any strong advance in the last 5
years, but then, as times go, historically, this is
not a long period. I think it's going to take some
time before we see a really big extension of it.
The conditions of the post-Cold-War world, I think,
mean that more people will start getting interested in
the idea of direct democracy, and we shall see an
expansion of it over the next 20, 30, 40 years.
- Fossedal
- Are there particular regions, or economic or
social conditions, that make it likely that in this
spot or that spot we are likely to see the next
outbreak or the next steps for direct democracy?
- Beedham
- Well, let me begin by reviewing the one or
two things that I think are desirable, it not
absolutely essential, conditions for direct democracy.
I think that it is very useful, first, to have a
substantial part of the population which is reasonably
well educated, can read, can absorb facts and figures
and think things through. And secondly, it's
desirable to have a reasonably high proportion of the
population which feels economically independent or at
least partly independent. In other words, the ideal
constituency of a direct democracy is a people who are
willing to speak for themselves and, as it were, defy
the politicians when necessary, and have got the
intellectual ability and the means of knowledge which
enable them to do that.
So, I think what is going to happen in the next
generation or so is that, the end of the Cold War
having removed one major adversary of democracy,
democracy is going to spread to quite a few parts of
the world it hasn't been in before, and in those parts
of the newly democratic world which have got a
reasonably good sized middle class, and good education
systems, and a substantial number of people who feel
confident enough to take this responsibility on their
shoulders, you will see this demand for direct
democracy, rather than relying upon inadequate and
sometimes corrupt politicians, taking root.
Where? Well, parts of Eastern Europe are certainly a
candidate for that. I'm not sure about Russia itself,
but certainly Eastern Europe up to Russia. Possibly
parts of Latin America; I'm not quite so sure about
that, but possibly.
I feel that this could come up in India, which has
been a reasonably well-working democracy for 50 years
now. The Indians are a very individualist people,
self-reliant hitherto, many of them very poor and
very badly educated, but if the Indian economy starts
to improve, there will be, there already is, but there
will continue to be, an expanding middle class. I
think that the Indian culture is one which could well
produce direct democracy.
Maybe Southeast Asia: Highly intelligent people,
levels of education rising very fast, quite good
economies. However, in that part of the world, direct
democracy has to compete with the Confucian view of
the world which places a lot of emphasis on authority.
But there, my guess is that perhaps the desire for
authority will gradually give way to a responsible,
well-educated middle class to start saying what it
wants, how it wants to be governed.
Africa, I feel rather pessimistic about, I confess. I
would make no prophecies about African politics for
some time ahead, including direct democracy.
Conceivably, even some parts of the Moslem world,
although that is another crossed-finger situation.
- Fossedal
- Islam has shown it can coexist with
democracy, but it's far from embracing it so far.
- Beedham
- Yes. I think Eastern Europe is a good bet,
some parts of Southeast Asia, and quite possibly
India, South Asia.
- Fossedal
- As you were going through the list, I was
thinking about cases where states are actually being
built. For example, in Korea. Even though the
conditions, certainly in North Korea, might not be
optimal for direct democracy to smoothly evolve,
direct democracy might be a tool where countries are
trying to legitimize a new order, really to build a
new state. The EU, and even Latin American
integration, might be other examples. You could
almost see direct democracy as a kind of diplomatic or
development tool.
- Beedham
- You could. My guess is that in South Korea,
for some time ahead, the opposition from the
politicians is going to be pretty strenuous. And
South Korea does have a history, over the last 40-50
years, of pretty centralized, authoritarian rule,
shall we say, of holding elections, but with the
politicians keeping a tight grasp on things between
elections, and sometimes manipulating the elections.
And North Korea, which will come into some kind of
all-Korean political entity, has been cut off from the
world for so long. North Korea has no experience with
any kind or any degree of democracy. So that how do you
go to an impoverished, possibly starving North Korean
peasant, and say, "right now, what is your view on
how to spend the next year's budget?" That does make
the eyebrows go up a bit.
- Fossedal
-
Although, in some cases, historically, it
isn't always the times when things are going well and
smoothly that states are willing to innovate and
reform politically. Sometimes, often, it only happens
under duress. If we look at the adoption of direct
democracy by the Swiss and then the U.S. states in the
1800s, it was a time when there was vast
dissatisfaction with corruption in the U.S., and the
aftermath of the 1848 revolution in Switzerland and
Europe.
Perhaps the next steps will occur in states where
things aren't going as smoothly as the U.S. and Europe
today, where there are urgent demands for change that
have to be met. The Zurich newspapers, in the 1860s,
said all the things we might say today about the
Koreans and their readiness or lack thereof.
- Beedham
-
Well, fair point.
When I mentioned Latin America a bit earlier, one of
the things in my mind was that here are peoples who
are accustomed to elections and to going out to vote,
and in many cases, especially in the last 10 years,
the elections have been fairly honest. The trouble is
that Latin American politics still has a fairly high
proportion of corrupt politicians. That is one of the
circumstances which tend to make people say, golly, I
think we should do it ourselves; let's make the jump
to direct democracy.
I was thinking that about Latin America, and if that
is the case there, indeed, why not in South Korea and
parts of East Asia? I think I was hesitating
particularly about the North Korean part of the
electorate, because that has been cut off from any
kind of contact or practice with democracy, or any
form of political responsibility, for so long.
- Fossedal
- The U.S. today, even the U.S., we might say
is very concerned with the issue of money and
politics. Not in the sense of direct bribes and petty
corruption, but with a much broader and more elusive
corruption. The campaigns of Bill Bradley and John
McCain weren't victorious, but I think they tapped
into a deep hunger for political reform. I think that
if direct democracy is applied in the U.S. or Europe,
it's more likely to come as a way of reforming the
system to immunize it from big money, rather than
people waking up and saying, "gee, we're so close to
direct democracy, we may as well evolve the last
little bit."
- Beedham
- I think a couple of things have been
happening in recent times, and may be ready to happen
much more quickly now, which point in this direction.
One is that, in large chunks of the world, a large
proportion of the population of any given country is
reasonably well-educated, reads a fair amount, knows
about public affairs, and is therefore more likely to
say, "why should we have to delegate hundreds of
decisions, in between elections, to people who are no
better educated than I am and no more intelligent than
I am?"
Secondly, precisely when this first kind of skepticism
about representative democracy is growing, a second
kind of skepticism is also expanding, which is,
"golly, we are now able to know and find out much more
about what happens in the political world and how our
politicians behave, and we're discovering that quite a
number of them are, not corrupt in the sort of African
or Latin American sense, but that money is influencing
their decisions in various ways which a lot of people
find rather distasteful and rather inefficient as
well.
So the combination of those two things, the feeling by
people that they are competent to handle their
affairs, and secondly, the feeling that representative
democracy is vulnerable to money pressure, is a very
powerful combination. We've seen this both in the
United States and in several European countries.
- Fossedal
- Diffusing power would seem like a
straightforward way to decrease the role of money;
it's easier to bribe or pressure a few dozen key
legislators than 250 million people. But David
Broder, one of the better U.S. political reporters,
has written a book arguing that direct democracy will
be government by monied interests waging demagogic
advertising campaigns. It's a well-written critique,
even though I think he leaves out a lot of information
and perspective. What do you think of the argument?
- Beedham
- Well, I think David Broder is basically
wrong. Of course it is true that direct democracy,
the referendum process, is open to propaganda. And
the more money you have, the more propaganda you can
make. But I would argue that the power of money to
make propaganda can be limited by agreed rules about
how much you can raise and spend and in what ways and
so on.
- Fossedal
- There are also natural limits. For example,
the Swiss spend very little on their referenda,
because as the electorate has evolved over the years,
it's been found that highly emotional appeals and
last-minute negatives and so on don't have much
influence. Even in the U.S., which is not as
developed as the Swiss system, there are often cycles
in which, one year, there are so many ballot measures
that people feel overloaded and simply vote them all
down, and it then becomes much harder, in the next
cycle, to get anyone to give any money.
- Beedham
- Yes, although it is true that people can be
influenced by what they read and what they see on the
television screens and on the internet, okay, they'll
be influenced by it, sometimes wrongly maybe, but
that's not quite the same thing as the more direct
ability of money to influence politicians. You can't
bribe a whole people. You can try to distort their
judgment by your propaganda, but you can't actually
bribe them.
So, direct democracy is in one instance vulnerable but
in important ways less vulnerable than representative
democracy to the power of money, I would argue. And
there are ways of making sure that the arguments are
made fairly, dispassionately to all the sides on a
particular debate.
The Swiss experience shows this. In a Swiss
referendum, every voter receives extensive and
dispassionately written materials which set out the
different points and the major arguments pro and con.
I've read several of these now, and this is fair and
open and objectively written. And the government has
come to think that an important part of its job is to
provide the voters with this information about the
arguments for and against the resolution, at least
most of the major arguments.
Now, after that, if you want to make a television
program or a publication or what have you, you can do
that. Radio broadcasts, internet sites, or posters in
the street. If your argument or your particular set of
facts isn't being covered, you have this further
recourse.
- Fossedal
- I was very impressed by how little the Swiss
spend on the referendum votes, considering how
affluent the society is. And the bulk of this is from
natural forces and from self-restraint. There are some
rules for campaign finance, but very few. The
spending is low because the electorate gets most of
its information from newspapers, and it credits what
it sees there more than it does any particular
advertisement. The result is a very high degree of
self-regulation.
There's another response or another point to make
about Broder's concern with the role of money. In a
direct democracy, such lobbying as there is directed
at the people. And lobbying the people means that
they're getting information. Any dollar spent on
lobbying is thus a dollar spent on public education,
if you will. What you get is what you have in
Switzerland, arguably the most sophisticated, and
certainly one of the best informed and best read,
electorates in the world. It's as if every Swiss had
been a member of parliament for a month or two, which
is probably what all the votes accumulate too, if not
more, if you were to add up all the votes of a typical
Swiss over his or her lifetime.
And there's something of a cumulative, deliberative
effect. One of the things that worried our founding
fathers was the passions of the people, and their
inability to deliberate questions for enough time to
make serious judgments. The experience of direct
democracy in Switzerland and many U.S. states has been
for some measures to come up many times, from tax
measures to immigration and others. Over time, the
voters get to see these, vote on them, and get more
information through a number of cycles. The result,
direct democracy in practice, is something much
closer to the deliberations of a legislature than I
think Madison or Hamilton ever imagined.
A good example is the series of referenda on
immigration that you mentioned. As you noted, these
things have been going on for years. In the process,
the public is able to deliberate the same question
over and over, with much information being thrown at
them, and constant refinements made in the arguments
and reporting by both sides. At the least, a lot of
social tension that might otherwise be bottle up is
released, as people feel they are having their say.
And, I would argue, what actually takes place is a
cumulative, highly pedagogical process. It isn't just
the people who learn either. The elites learn a thing
or two from the people.
The net is that direct democracy, under the modern
conditions of global communications and the like,
functions much more like a classical, deliberative
legislature.
- Beedham
- Very much so, except that the legislature
then is no longer an elite, but the people. In
Switzerland, as you observe, the people are fairly
mature in the exercise of direct democracy. That
might be one reason why they are able to have such
restraint, on both the spending by special interests
and the sort of general volume and tone of propaganda,
even without having many formal, legal limits on
these.
The people with money have discovered that it's a
waste of effort. There's no point in throwing a lot of
money around the place. They're mature enough to
simply absorb a lot of this and smile, and then go
about their business and support what they think is
the right.
Now, if that happens in Switzerland, I don't see why
it can't happen in other countries, countries with an
educated, reasonably self-confident population, which
means North America, most of Europe, chunks of Latin
America coming up, chunks of Asia coming up. A
maturing process is necessary in any kind of politics.
Representative democracy, in its early days, had some
pretty hair-raising aspects. I mean, read Dickens,
and the other Victorian English novelists. But that
matured, and the process is now reaching the point
where direct democracy may be ready to evolve in much
of the Euro-American world.
Direct democracy will have its bumps and its ups and
downs. But as it matures, and as people get used to
it, I think, particularly in the question of money and
pressures, as we have seen in Switzerland already, people will, on the whole, turn their backs upon it
and behave with great wisdom.
- Fossedal
- Andreas Gross, the Swiss parliamentarian,
has made the case that direct democracy can be useful,
and may even be essential, to building the European
state. First, it would be governed better, second, it
would build social and political bridges across
national borders, and third, it would mean Europeans
would be committing sovereign acts as Europeans. Of
course, it might be that the subject matter on which
one could bring referenda or initiative would be
highly limited at first, but it would start the
process. What do you think of that?
- Beedham
- I think it's certainly true that Switzerland
could far more easily accept the idea of joining the
European Union if there were some elements of direct
democracy that were practiced Europe-wide.
On the other hand, as far as the European Union is
concerned, this is still a very fragile experiment.
The present evidence is that the application of direct
democracy could have a very disintegrating effect on
the European Union. The most vivid example at the
moment is what would happen to the effort to expand
the European Union to include states in Eastern Europe
and the Mediterranean. If there were a direct vote on
that question by the existing members of the European
Union, it would be defeated.
Something like this was actually suggested by a German
politician six weeks ago or thereabouts... that there
should be a referendum in Germany on the idea of
expanding the union. This was promptly sat upon
because public opinion polls suggested that most
Germans would vote against it. This is now being
dropped from the argument.
There would be a similar problem if you ask, what
would be the outcome of a direct vote on the question
of the Euro: Do we want the Euro or not? In Germany,
in the opinion polls, more than two-thirds of the
population do not want the Euro, and would reject it.
The Euro would collapse if it were subjected to the
process of direct democracy at the moment.
Now, that is not an argument against doing it. What
I'm saying is that it's extremely unlikely because of
the political results people would project from it at
this time.
- Fossedal
- But is that where the debate would wind up
after the debate, and if people were listening to the
debate under the knowledge that they would be having a
direct vote on the subject?
- Beedham
- I don't know. You're quite right that there
is this difference between how people answer a poll
one day, and how people vote on a referendum after
considering it as legislators, as it were.
- Fossedal
-
In the long run, we need to have that
debate, to move public opinion, don't we? In the long
run, even in representative democracy, if two-thirds
of the people don't want something, it eventually is
going to be defeated.
- Beedham
- I would certainly accept the application of
direct democracy to the processes of the European
Union, but my guess is that, at the end of the day,
the result, in the short term, would be a European
Union defined by much looser, probably much more
purely economic terms, than the one which many
European politicians want.
This is not an argument against applying direct
democracy to the EU in an evolutionary way, but a
statement about its immediate prospects. You would be
swimming against the political tide.
- Fossedal
- We've alluded to, but haven't mentioned yet,
a major factor. I'm not sure but that it isn't close
in importance to the end of the Cold War, namely, the
internet, and the way it makes information
instantaneously available.
Just to give a simple picture, I see people who can
point and click and buy an airplane ticket with an
aisle seat, even a car with very specific features,
eventually asking themselves, why isn't my government
as responsive as that? I don't mean to confuse the
issue with the question of whether the referenda
themselves, or other voting, actually take place
online; I view that as a rather unimportant technical
advance that will happen but is merely a mechanical
change.
I'm talking about the experience that they feel on the
net, and the way they can make specific, granular
decisions, against the defused, clouded, indirect way
they are limited to making their vote felt as
citizens. "Write a letter to your congressman" just
isn't as satisfying as "you be the congressman."
I just think the contrast between a highly responsive
economy, and a comparatively sluggish political
system, will be a powerful force.
- Beedham
- I think you're absolutely right. When I
wrote about direct democracy in the 1993 essay, I
mentioned things like the facts and new ways of
communicating with each other, but in the ten years
since then, things have leapt ahead.
The internet is now a powerful symbol of the
development of individual knowledge and of our
responsibility, which is certainly going to be about
politics as well as about buying a nice car and so on.
This is one test of the kind of electorate I was
talking about earlier. Most people in most developed
countries, and that is a growing number of countries,
are now not only reasonably well educated, they know
that they can do things. They know that they've
enjoyed a wide range of choices they can make
economically, and yet they're being told that in
politics, in the very place where after all we set the
rules for these other exchanges, that in politics,
they're not competent. They're told that, yes, you
can come along and say in very general terms what you
want every four or five years, but you can't be
trusted to take decisions in between there. I think
this is going to going to start to seem like utter
nonsense.
The internet, then, is both a symbol and cause of
these changes in society that are going to lead people
to demand direct democracy.
- Fossedal
- You've been very generous with your time, I
want to thank you.
- Beedham
- Well, you're welcome, and so have you, and
you're making the telephone call.
- Fossedal
- It's been my pleasure.
- Beedham
- By the way, I can't claim to have read the
whole of it, but I think your book on Switzerland is
admirable. It's the kind of combination of direct
experience, describing the mood and the feeling and so
on, with a lot of hard facts, which is just the kind
of combination I like.
- Fossedal
-
Well, thank you very much. I was hoping to
drag a jacket blurb out of you at some point; that
sounds like one right there. It means a lot to me
that you find some merit in it. Your essays are one
of the things that led me to be very interested in
direct democracy and therefore in Switzerland, which
has perfected the art, or anyway, has taken it to its
furthest extent.
- Beedham
- I entirely agree. The Swiss are the true
example of this. I have a special interest in this
because my wife is Swiss; she actually voted yesterday
on the four referendums. They defeated, quite
correctly in my view, the 18 percent initiative, and
they defeated several others as well.
- Fossedal
- Well, that gives us something else to agree
on, perhaps at another time.
- Beedham
- Very good.
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